To properly understand the history of our kings， let the fundamental principle be always recognized that France is their land， a farm transmitted from father to son， at first small， then slowly enlarged， and， at last， prodigiously enlarged， because the proprietor， always alert， has found means to make favorable additions to it at the expense of his neighbors； at the end of eight hundred years it comprises about 27，000 square leagues of territory. His interests and his vanity harmonize， certainly， in several areas with public welfare；he is， all in all， not a poor administrator， and， since he has always expanded his territory， he has done better than many others. Moreover， around him， a number of expert individuals， old family councilors， withdrawn from business and devoted to the domain， with good heads an gray beards， respectfully remonstrate with him when he spends too freely； they often interest him in public improvements， in roads， canals， homes for the invalids， military schools， scientific institutions and charity workshops； in the control of trust-funds and foundations， in the tolerance of heretics， in the postponement of monastic vows to the age of twenty-one， in provincial assemblies， and in other reforms by which a feudal domain becomes transformed into a modern domain. Nevertheless， the country， feudal or modern， remains his property， which he can abuse as well as use； however， whoever uses with full sway ends by abusing with full license. If， in his ordinary conduct， personal motives do not prevail over public motives， he might be a saint like Louis IX， a stoic like Marcus Aurelius， while remaining a seignior， a man of the world like the people of his court， yet more badly brought up， worse surrounded， more solicited， more tempted and more blindfolded. At the very least he has， like them， his own vanity， his own tastes， his own relatives， his mistress， his wife， his friends， all intimate and influential solicitors who must first be satisfied， while the nation only comes after them. - The result is， that， for a hundred years， from 1672 to 1774， whenever he makes war it is through wounded pride， through family interest， through calculation of private advantages， or to gratify a woman. Louis XV maintains his wars yet worse than in undertaking them；"[39] while Louis XVI， during the whole of his foreign policy， finds himself hemmed in by the marriage he has made. - At home the king lives like other nobles， but more grandly， because he is the greatest lord in France； I shall describe his court presently， and further on we shall see by what exactions this pomp is made possible. In the meantime let us note two or three details. According to authentic statements， Louis XV expended on Mme. de Pompadour thirty-six millions of livres， which is at least seventy-two millions nowadays[40] According to d'Argenson，[41] in 1751， he has 4，000 horses in his stable， and we are assured that his household alone， or his person， "cost this year 68，000，000，" almost a quarter of the public revenue. Why be astonished if we look upon the sovereign in the manner of the day， that is to say， as a lord of the manor enjoying of his hereditary property？ He constructs， he entertains， he gives festivals， he hunts， and he spends money according to his station. Moreover， being the master of his own funds， he gives to whomsoever he pleases， and all his selections are favors.
Abbé de Vermond writes to Empress Maria Theresa[42]
"Your Majesty knows better than myself， that， according to immemorial custom， three-fourths of the places honors and pensions are awarded not on account of services but out of favor and through influence. This favor was originally prompted by birth， alliance and fortune； the fact is that it nearly always is based on patronage and intrigue. This procedure is so well established， that is respected as a sort of justice even by those who suffer the most from it. A man of worth not able to dazzle by his court alliances， nor through a brilliant expenditure， would not dare to demand a regiment， however ancient and illustrious his services， or his birth. Twenty years ago， the sons of dukes and ministers， of people attached to the court， of the relations and protégés of mistresses， became colonels at the age of sixteen. M. de Choiseul caused loud complaints on extending this age to twenty-three years. But to compensate favoritism and absolutism he assigned to the pure grace of the king， or rather to that of his ministers， the appointment to the grades of lieutenant-colonel and major which， until that time， belonged of right to priority of services in the government； also the commands of provinces and of towns. You are aware that these places have been largely multiplied， and that they are bestowed through favor and credit， like the regiments. The cordon bleu and the cordon rouge are in the like position， and abbeys are still more constantly subject to the régime of influence. As to positions in the finances， I dare not allude to them. Appointments in the judiciary are the most conditioned by services rendered； and yet how much do not influence and recommendation affect the nomination of intendants， first presidents"and the others？